"Green Cyber Demonstration": World Solidarity with the Iranian Protestors


One aim: unite the world’s citizens of all origins, nationalities and horizons who believe in democracy and Human Rights, and who wish to express their support for the pro-democracy movement in Iran.

This initiative is completely independent, non-political and non-religious.

How to participate

- Join our group on facebook, flickr, add us on twitter & myspace

- make our logo your profile image on these social websites

- write a message of support as your headline & on our page(s)

- inform & send links to your friends & contacts

- write about this event in your blogs & websites, feature our image & add a link to us

- contribute to our webpage with comments, slogans, photos/videos/songs etc.

Facebook group: WWIran Facebook group
On twitter: WWIran Twitter
Myspace page: WWIran Myspace
Downloadable images on flickr: WWIran Flickr profile
Flickr group: WWIran Flickr group
YouTube Channel: WWIran YouTube

How you can make a difference

The pro-democracy protestors in Iran are isolated and vulnerable. A strong turn-out here is a means for us to support them in their battle & remind governments & official international bodies around the world to act in the best interest of these freedom-fighters.Iran has ratified both the Declaration of Human Rights (signed 1948) and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (signed 1968). Let us show the world that human dignity and Human Rights are values that transcend frontiers, and that our leaders should use as much energy in defending Human Rights as they do the nuclear issue.

“A dictatorship is more dangerous than a nuclear weapon.”


As a result of the fraudulent Iranian presidential elections of the 12th of June 2009, millions of people took to the streets of Iran to protest against Mahmoud Ahmadinejad; demanding a new and democratic election. These brave protestors, comprising all generations, demonstrated pacifically but faced harsh repression from government forces resulting in beatings, deaths, arrests, torture, forced confessions and mock show-trials. Despite this repression, the protest movement has continued to grow and is known as the ‘Green Movement’ (read below: ‘Why Green?’). In spite of this repression, the pro-democracy protestors in Iran have continued their mobilisation; taking to the streets, infiltrating official marches and finding new means to express themselves such as via the internet - despite the huge risks, including for their lives (two young men arrested before the elections, Reza Ali Zamani and Arash Rahmanipour, were executed on the 28th January 2010, with more feared).

Why Green?

Green is the symbolic colour under which the pro-democracy protestors march in Iran - it is traditionally the colour of hope. Although the colour of the presidential candidate Mussavi in June’s fraudulent elections, the protestors have since made this colour their own and are commonly called the ‘Green Movement’, which has grown to become a spontaneous independent citizen’s movement demanding democracy for Iran. Green is now the colour of all those who march for democracy in Iran.

Saturday, 13 February 2010

The day after 22 Bahman

The nuking of Iran's dissent

Ahmadinejad, master of fear and paranoia, may have won the day. But it was a pyrrhic victory
Ali Ansari, guardian.co.uk, Friday 12 February 2010 22.00 GMT

Rumours of the death of Iran's green movement have been largely ­exaggerated. Admittedly, the events of this week were badly mishandled by the protesters – as many have been quick to acknowledge. But the rigorously choreographed theatrics of the government can hardly be ­regarded as a triumph for the regime.
Following the disturbances around the death of Grand Ayatollah Montazeri and the violence that continued through to Ashura in December 2009, the green movement determined that the next great show of force was to be yesterday's 31st anniversary of the Islamic ­Revolution. Yet while people might debate the size of the opposing crowds, one thing seems certain: this time the government mastered and largely controlled the narrative.
It had been a long time in preparation. Shaken by the events of Ashura, the government moved to arrest potential troublemakers on a far wider scale than at any time since the first protests in June last year. These arrests have proved particularly effective in targeting the local organisers, including student leaders who have been essential for grassroots mobilisation and co-ordination.
With these people removed, and despite the lofty rhetoric of more senior leaders, the movement appeared dangerously rudderless. For good ­measure, and in an apparent effort to stress its seriousness, the government embellished its hardline rhetoric with a couple of swift executions and an announcement that the death sentence had been imposed on a further nine protesters.
On another level, it moved to block text messaging and the internet, including an attempt to suspend access to Googlemail. Iranian activists regularly find ways to circumvent such obstructions, but on this occasion the targeting was specific, with a view to curtailing any challenge to the anniversary celebrations. Additional measures to block roads were organised early, to minimise opposition crowds, while government supporters were bused in from around the country. Media coverage was restricted to state media and selected foreign journalists, largely from non-western organisations.
However, just to be extra sure, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad threw in his media manipulation tool of choice: Iran's nuclear programme. In the days leading up to the anniversary, Ahmadinejad suddenly announced that he would be willing to accept the west's offer to enrich Iran's uranium. But within 24 hours he announced that Iran had decided to enrich the uranium itself. This had the desired effect. Western leaders huffed and puffed and talked of sanctions, while others preoccupied themselves with the meaning of it all and whether confrontation was now back on the agenda.
The meaning of it all, of course, is that foreign policy has always been ­subservient to domestic needs and that the deliberate raising of the nuclear spectre is intended to divert attention at home and abroad. At home the government believes that the spirit of confrontation can help rebuild a badly damaged legitimacy, while the heightened preoccupation with the nuclear crisis can be used to convince Iranians that the west has no real interest in their human rights and democratic aspirations. Like all good demagogues, Ahmadinejad knows how to peddle fear and exploit paranoia, whether it resides in the east or the west. That is why he raised the stakes again during his speech, announcing brazenly that if Iran wanted to do so, it could build a bomb. It is good politics.
But is it a good strategy? The government may have won the public relations battle on the day, but it came at some considerable cost. This was a carefully choreographed piece of theatre, with an extremely high security presence, ruthlessly exercised and with its fair share of brutality. The green movement was outmanoeuvred, but it was there. As one protester said yesterday on a Persian-language website: "It wasn't that we were few in number; we were aimless."
The protesters may be beaten and bruised, but the Iranian government could not prevent the world from witnessing the brutality that it continues to exercise against its citizens. For the green movement, the real test of its durability and inner strength is about to begin as it reflects on an opportunity lost. For the government, the test will be if it truly appreciates and understands the nature, cause and fragility of this most pyrrhic of victories. Judging by Ahmadinejad's speech, he has clearly forgotten nothing and learnt nothing.

Cowardice and Courage

Editorial, New York Times, February 11, 2010

Iran’s autocrats were determined to use Thursday’s anniversary of the 1979 Islamic Revolution to show that they are still in control and have the support of Iran’s people. Their ruthless campaign of violence and intimidation against a largely peaceful — and extremely courageous — opposition proves just the opposite.

The government claims that the overwhelming number of people who came out to demonstrate were government supporters. State television showed live footage of hundreds of thousands of people, some carrying Iranian flags and pictures of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, converging in Tehran’s main square. A far more important indicator is the level of repression it needed to keep protestors — galvanized by June’s fraudulent presidential election — to a minimum.

In the run-up to the anniversary celebration, hundreds of people, including family members of prominent politicians and scores of journalists, have been arrested. On Thursday, an unusually large contingent of security forces, including masked Revolutionary Guards special units armed with assault rifles, closed off streets and kept opposition groups from the main square where the celebration took place.

Opposition supporters still showed up, even in conservative cities around the country. And they did take risks. Foreign journalists were restricted in covering the event. But opposition Web sites reported that security forces fired gunshots and tear gas at supporters of the opposition leader, Mir Hussein Moussavi, and that his wife, Zahra Rahnavard, had been beaten by plainclothes agents with batons.

While that was happening in the shadows, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was on center stage announcing new advances in Iran’s nuclear program — a cynical effort to divert attention from his government’s repression and economic and political failures. More than three decades after Iranians overthrew the United States-backed shah, the country remains a living contradiction between its revolutionary ideals — justice, independence and self-sufficiency — and its shameful practice.

Credits: The New York Times: http://www.nytimes.com/2010/02/12/opinion/12fri2.html

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